The nationally representative survey of 6, adults was conducted online Jan. Democrats and those who lean Democratic are more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to say it has become more common and more acceptable for people to express racist and racially insensitive views since Trump was elected president. Views are more divided among Republicans. Eight-in-ten white Democrats — vs. In turn, whites are more likely than other groups to say their racial background has helped them at least a little.
Among blacks, those with at least some college experience are more likely than those with less education to say being black has hurt their ability to get ahead. In turn, whites are more likely than blacks to point to family instability and lack of good role models as major obstacles for black people.
There are wide partisan gaps in these views. By comparison, about a third or fewer white Republicans say these are major obstacles for blacks.
White Republicans are more likely than white Democrats to cite family instability, lack of good role models and a lack of motivation to work hard. About six-in-ten blacks or more — but fewer than half of whites — say blacks are treated less fairly than whites in hiring, pay and promotions; when applying for a loan or mortgage; in stores or restaurants; when voting in elections; and when seeking medical treatment.
In each of these realms, whites tend to say blacks and whites are treated about equally; very small shares say whites are treated less fairly than blacks. Across these different areas, there are gaps ranging from 39 to 53 percentage points in how white Democrats and white Republicans see the treatment of blacks in the U. Seven-in-ten U. Roughly seven-in-ten whites and blacks say this is never acceptable. It is the same for gender. Women can achieve but have a much harder time doing so.
If not, America would have had a woman vice president and speaker of the House sitting behind the p resident long before What people do not seem to realize is that being upwardly mobile does not negate encountering racist hurdles on the pathway to success. Our current system is set up for some people to have to jump over hurdles to succeed, while others get to simply run to the finish line without those sa me racial hurdles. Rather , it is about whether the pathways to success are equitable.
This is what America says it is: an equitable democracy. People are pushing for America to reach its true ideal s and the only way this can properly occur is acknowledging the systemic barriers that prevent us from getting there. Moreover, it is not that racial progress has not been made. It is that the United States has yet to make enough progress. In this regard, comment s of our top elected officials are disappointing, yet predictable. Black people who succeed often walk on pins and needles because they realize that their success, and more so maintaining it, is precarious.
As a result, some Black people aim to make white pe ople feel comfortable. Many of us are mostly socialized to do so. I t is often a survival strategy for our lives during police encounters or economic survival in boardrooms.
Pressure grows on Yorkshire Cricket Club after report recounts racist abuse suffered by former player Azeem Rafiq. Families of 9 people killed by Dylann Roof in and 5 survivors of Charleston shooting will split the money. President Biden promised to confront white supremacy but past notions on race persist — and flourish — among Americans. In , the year the great Civil Rights Act was passed, only 18 percent of whites claimed to have a friend who was black; today 86 percent say they do, while 87 percent of blacks assert they have white friends.
Progress is the largely suppressed story of race and race relations over the past half-century. Forty-two percent own their own homes, a figure that rises to 75 percent if we look just at black married couples. Black two-parent families earn only 13 percent less than those who are white. Almost a third of the black population lives in suburbia. Because these are facts the media seldom report, the black underclass continues to define black America in the view of much of the public.
Many assume blacks live in ghettos, often in high-rise public housing projects. Crime and the welfare check are seen as their main source of income. The stereotype crosses racial lines. Blacks are even more prone than whites to exaggerate the extent to which African Americans are trapped in inner-city poverty. In a Gallup poll, about one-fifth of all whites, but almost half of black respondents, said that at least three out of four African Americans were impoverished urban residents.
And yet, in reality, blacks who consider themselves to be middle class outnumber those with incomes below the poverty line by a wide margin. Fifty years ago most blacks were indeed trapped in poverty, although they did not reside in inner cities.
When Gunnar Myrdal published An American Dilemma in , most blacks lived in the South and on the land as laborers and sharecroppers. Only one in eight owned the land on which he worked. A trivial 5 percent of black men nationally were engaged in nonmanual, white-collar work of any kind; the vast majority held ill-paid, insecure, manual jobs—jobs that few whites would take.
As already noted, six out of ten African-American women were household servants who, driven by economic desperation, often worked hour days for pathetically low wages. But the number was minuscule. Beginning in the s, however, deep demographic and economic change, accompanied by a marked shift in white racial attitudes, started blacks down the road to much greater equality.
New Deal legislation, which set minimum wages and hours and eliminated the incentive of southern employers to hire low-wage black workers, put a damper on further industrial development in the region. In addition, the trend toward mechanized agriculture and a diminished demand for American cotton in the face of international competition combined to displace blacks from the land. As a consequence, with the shortage of workers in northern manufacturing plants following the outbreak of World War II, southern blacks in search of jobs boarded trains and buses in a Great Migration that lasted through the mids.
They found what they were looking for: wages so strikingly high that in the average income for a black family in the North was almost twice that of those who remained in the South. And through much of the s wages rose steadily and unemployment was low.
Thus by only one out of seven black men still labored on the land, and almost a quarter were in white-collar or skilled manual occupations. Another 24 percent had semiskilled factory jobs that meant membership in the stable working class, while the proportion of black women working as servants had been cut in half.
Even those who did not move up into higher-ranking jobs were doing much better. A decade later, the gains were even more striking. From to , black men cut the income gap by about a third, and by they were earning on average roughly 60 percent of what white men took in. The advancement of black women was even more impressive. Black life expectancy went up dramatically, as did black homeownership rates. Black college enrollment also rose—by to about 10 percent of the total, three times the prewar figure.
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